Note by War On Society: We present this important communique from June 2011 mainly for the exemplary analysis on a number of themes, also because the CCF responded to it in their text ‘Fire and Gunpowder‘ and because it is cited in another communique which we are presently translating.
from liberaciontotal, translated by war on society:
Communique:
I.
The qualification of attacks is necessary considering that statist logic heightens and perfects itself with the same rapidity as the technology that enables, practically, the present societies’ whole apparatus of domination and control.
Society, as the primary origin of a good part of the worst present human situations, does not only worry about positioning itself as a condition for sustaining the existence of humanity, but rather it has also charged itself with violating the consciences of individuals as much as collectivities with the idea that it (society) is necessary for the development of the full human condition–that is, for individual and collective freedom. The overvaluation of “the social” has made it so that all references to “the wild*” are by definition absurd, not only in the sense of being somewhat distant from the present reality, but also as being opposed to society itself. This is why anarchism from the insurrectionalist perspective places itself in the anti-social position.
Without a true critique of the ENTIRE existent, we cannot decide to fully exist.
The negation of the existent (i.e. society) has as its result the affirmation of our individuality, integrity and free associations, prepared for everything that one’s own conscience tells one to do and pleased to act as one’s passions impel one, without judges beyond oneself. In this sense, our consciences are what take shape in the field of practice by means of actions that negate the established, the given, the preformed, the existent… that is: society, the State, the family, salaried work, among much more. The free life is what we seek in the extremes of that same negation, as absolute counter-parties of the crushing machine of the all.
Progress, as that which gives complete unity to the whole flow of history since modernity, is the greatest myth that governs conscious individuals and collectivities. From Marxists who believe in absolute and complete truths, to anarchists who admit that the most expeditious means to achieve the revolution is the internalization of the ideas of freedom in the collective conscience–that is, the same thing that capitalism does with the idea of “competency,” but with another meaning–all accept, perhaps without realizing it, the idea of progress. Thus, one must not only to spurn the idea of progress in its most rudimentary sense–that is, the idea of material progress as in technological development–one must also spurn the idea of progress as the development of certain ideas in human conscience. Consequently, the critique also goes for the other side–that is, the notion of capitalism.
It is important to realize that capitalism and everything that it involves does not advance nor progress, since it is already completely positioned, installed and mediates all social relations which accept, implicitly or explicitly, the logic of the market, of winning or losing, of truth or falsity, of benefit or harm. In this sense, capitalism does not progress (nor does it transform into something “better”), but rather it heightens, since it is already a compulsory part of reality.
This (i.e. reality) is what, through its complexification, becomes more dispersed, polyform, and thus more difficult to detect, analyze, combat and strive against. The qualification of the attack is a necessary response to the heightening of the logic of capitalism in the field of social relations. To blow everything up is not to blow up everything that can actually be blown up, it is to blow up the complex social structures that are determined by commerce and its flow, and which in turn legitimate the same social structure. It is a vicious cycle in which one thing sustains the other. One does not understand capitalism without the people who endorse it, and one does not understand the people who legitimate it without the capitalism that determines their forms. Thus, to physically attack the institutions of capital is not to attack symbols, it is to attack the same structure of reality that determines the field of social relations, in short, it is to undermine the legitimation of capitalism.
It is wager that is not random, to let’s say attack a bank — to attack a bank is to attack the reality that it determines, and to blow up the vicious cycle in which the present social relations are based.
This scenario clearly does not leave space, at least not relevant space, for the logic of “protest” in the historical/Marxist sense of the term and practice, which claims a posture, faced with a situation, in which what is sought is the propagation of an ideological position that is pre-formed, pre-configured, and–most importantly–pre-Reasoned by the never-wrong intellectual vanguard of the organized people. In which there simply is not room for the individual conscience, nor much less for collective dissent, since this kind of a posture brings out the “true truths” of a person much more intelligent than the common individual of the poor exploited people, such victims and so stupid that they do not realize what passes before their noses. They say that someone who loves you beats you, but to treat the people as naive, unconscious and even “asleep” is to say that love is like sending someone to the psychiatrist. A condition that can be expected of people who illusorily dream of “popular uprisings” and similar messianic yammering.
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