First release of Black International Editions: “Mapping the Fire”

International Words of Solidarity with the Conspiracy of Cells of Fire (CCF)

From 325:

Update: Statement of the nine members of the R.O. Conspiracy of-Cells of Fire and Theofilos Mavropoulos in the first session of the new CCF case trial

PDF: English & Spanish versions (Click “Save As” to download)

“This pamphlet is a meeting point of comrades from all over the world. An imaginary meeting since the walls and bars of the prisons where we are temporarily keep our bodies hostage. But our meanings remain free, escape from the cells of prison and are expressed with words continuing to provoke authority.

Words that still smell of fire and gunpowder, words which carry with them all of our hate for the system, words unrepentant and armed, words which transfer stresses and desires, words which break the isolation of prison, words full of passion for the mutiny we want to continue, words from Chile, Mexico, America, Spain, Germany, Switzerland, Italy, Bulgaria, Indonesia…

The letters sent to us by the hostage comrades, replying thus to the international call of solidarity of the CCF is not just mail between prisoners.

Our plan for a Black International of imprisoned anarchists, is not simply “a nice theory” which begins and ends inside printed words. It is the deposit of memory which exists, in a move forward.

A memory which does not always count its moments with common terms and common reference points. By reading this pamphlet someone can discover an international galaxy of points of views and positions with comrades whose references speak of the class war and the proletariat and others who speak of nihilism and anti-socialism.

This difference for us is not a contradiction. On the contrary it reveals the invisible line which connects all forms of anarchy and dispute into an international revolutionary front which has as its aim to destroy every form of authority.” Conspiracy of Cells of Fire : Imprisoned Members Cell (Excerpt from the Introduction)

Today in Greece, October 8th, a trial for the case of the Revolutionary Organisation – Conspiracy of Cells of Fire will take place in a specially converted room in the female prisons of Korydallos prisons. The trial concerns the arrests in Volos and the arrests on December 4th, the sending of the 14 incendiary anti-system parcels and the clash in Pefki, 17 comrades are on trial. There will be a solidarity demonstration at the courthouse of the female prisons of Korydallos on this day at 9am.

This publication, the first from Black International Editions, is released online and in paper format from three countries – Greece, Chile and United Kingdom, as an act of solidarity and confrontation to this court process against the CCF and their co-accused. The words of the anarchist prisoners who have responded to the international solidarity call of the CCF meet with the statements of the groups of the international network for counter-information and translation. Together with the armed words of the CCF, a new international revolutionary front is drawn out, this new publication maps the fire that has been spreading across oceans into many territories. In the words of Eat, imprisoned member of Long-Live Luciano Tortuga Cell, FAI Indonesia:

“We are the new chaotic virus, the ghost of freedom, the uncontrollable international plague of revolt.”

For Greek language version, you can find this publication on paper at various self-organised spaces in Exarchia, Athens, Greece, or email sal.spf(at)gmail.com for copies.

In Santiago, Chile, find it at Biblioteca La Hiedra or via Entropia Ediciones in a Spanish language version.

In UK, find it at anarchist spaces, like Kebele in Bristol, or 56a Infoshop in London. You can also find it at the 2012 London Anarchist Bookfair where Elephant Editions will have copies – elephanteditions(at)riseup.net

The email for contact with the imprisoned CCF members has moved to riseup.net’s mail server. From now on, you can communicate at sinomosiapf(at)riseup.net

For the destruction of the existent…

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Mexico: Responsibility claim for armed attack on a municipal police patrol car in the municipality of Valle de Chalco in EdoMex

From Liberación Total via Contra Info:

We decided to join the call of anarchist groups and individuals that are not limited to words and curses against social peace, and take in their hands the decision to blow up the system of domination, turning direct solidarity with our captive brothers and sisters into practice.

For this reason, we claim responsibility for a new attack against the uniformed shits: we opened fire on the 282 patrol car of the Valle de Chalco municipal police in EdoMex, killing all of its crew members.

We did not attack a public transportation unit; we fired on a patrol car, i.e. against a well identified target in our fight to the death against the system of domination and its minions.

If we had only killed one uniformed cop, and the rest of the crew were civilian personnel and family members of that municipal cop, as the media of massive stupefaction like to ‘lament’, we would not have any regrets. We would attack again without remorse. There are no guilty or innocent in the struggle for the destruction of the existent. Anyone who feeds this system of death is our enemy.

We also want to clarify that we know nothing of the whereabouts of the cop that’s reported missing. We neither kidnap, nor imprison anyone. We do not believe in prisons, nor in so-called ‘people’s prisons’. We fight for total liberation, not to impose another system that’s equally repressive.

We salute the informal groups and the anarcho-individualists who have joined this new coordinated action! Chaos has returned for everyone who thought it was dead.

Direct solidarity with all imprisoned anarchists in Mexico, Chile, Greece, Italy, Indonesia, the United States, Switzerland and all over the world!

Against any domination! Fire to the Power!
May the fight spread! Long live anarchy!

Insurrectional Cell Mariano Sanchez Añon (CI-MSA),
fraction of the Informal Anarchist Federation of Mexico (FAI-M)

~

Translators’ notes

Mexico State, often abbreviated to ‘EdoMex’ (from Estado de México in Spanish), is one of the federal entities (31 states and 1 federal district) which comprise the ‘United Mexican States’ (aka Mexico).

According to other reports in the regime’s Press, the occupants of the patrol vehicle, two men and one woman that were shot dead in the ambush of Tuesday, September 18th, were all cops: one uniformed and two plainclothes.

‘People’s prisons’ (cárceles del pueblo) apparently refers to the secret dungeons, prison cells, etc. used for the kidnapping and incarceration of state officials by national-liberation guerrillas such as the MLN-Tupamaros.

Breaking the silence surrounding the case of the anarchist Revolutionary Organization Conspiracy Cells of Fire

From Act for Freedom Now!

Starting with September 2009 and the arrests in Halandri, now 9 members of the R.O. CCF are locked up in prisons around Greece while other comrades are dragged by the anti-terrorist force and the judges, from dungeon to dungeon convicted or detained for the same case.

The attitude of the 9 members of the R.O. CCF from the first moment of their arrest, their claim of political responsibility, their decent attitude inside the prisons and their attempt to leave empty cells behind them feeds our need to stand in solidarity with our imprisoned comrades more than ever.

The “fast track” court martial taking place in the female prisons of Koridallos, all that will come and the pilot scheme moves that are trying to be applied for the first time on them (prosecution for the solidarity text written by the R.O. CCF and anarchist Theofilos Mavropoulos for the anarchist ‘steki’ Nadir) will find us next to our comrades and against any authority.

In such a climate, we cannot remain apathetic, and abandon our comrades at the mercy of state objectives and practices. We unite our intention, proceeding to the development of actions of solidarity to the persecuted comrades, not leaving out of the fire line the authoritarian impose and stressing with every opportunity the necessity for the increase of polymorphic refusals against the authoritarian system.

We deny the role of the victim and of course that of the “defeated from the start” because of the oppression unleashed by the state on the anarchist movement the last two years. The presence of the anti-authoritarian movement must become more obvious than ever. Demonstrations, flyposting, chants on the streets, clashes, occupations, and attacks comprise its polymorphy. Solidarity towards the imprisoned comrades who are persecuted for their subversive action or for their political identity was and is one of our priorities. Because… whoever forgets the hostages of the war, forgets the war itself. We factually show our solidarity denying the logics of selective solidarity and divisions. We unite our forces creating a powerful dyke to the generalized state oppression. And there is no better way available for the step over than to act, to show with our moves that we realize the matter of solidarity.

We took therefore the initiative to call an open discussion for the creation of an Assembly for Solidarity to the R.O. CCF, as well as all the comrades who are persecuted for the same case. Through this we would like to send a signal of solidarity to all comrades who are in the target of the oppression, but also to the organization itself. We desire the better coordination and the intensification of the action with which we aspire to promote our solidarity for the case we are dealing with.

We address, therefore, within these frames, a public call to whoever comrades desires to coordinate themselves with other comrades in the case of solidarity for the specific matter. Our aim is the active participation in the open procedures of the assembly, contributing in its support and in the further broadening of its dynamic. In the hard times we are going through we owe it to ourselves and our comrades to be as sufficient as possible and sharp against authority and its civilization. We are sure that every move of solidarity strengthens the resistances and the revolutionary conscience both ways, sending the message to the people guards and the juridical mafia, that the imprisoned comrades are not alone. The shouts they yell with courage and insistence, the passion for refusal of authority, are a united voice that upsets the rhythm of normality and subjugation. And will never stop being heard as long as this civilization and all things comprising of it, exists…

CALL – DISCUSSION
FRIDAY 10/2
19.00, POLYTECHNIC

Actforfreedomnow/boubourAs

Call for Insurrection Days

We don’t demand anything,

we want everything!

People all over the world are taking their protest to the streets fighting for their rights and freedom to overturn the current conditions. But why not here? The German reality is marked by social exclusion and cuts in the supply of basic essentials. Simultaneously, the media is brainwashing people’s mind against every existing resistance that criticises this inhuman oppression by the state and capital. It isn’t just the police who beat us up or arrest us and it isn’t just the political legislative which establishes laws to enslave us. Also responsible are those people who are not offering resistance to this situation and those who are making it possible through their ever-so-important (wage-) labour so that the “machinery of administration” runs smoothly. This machinery kills in agreement with German bureaucracy whether on the street or from one’s desk. Silence gives consent. We don’t know why hardly anyone says “Stop!”. Maybe it is because it is not yet bad enough for people or is it just the result of a traditional submissiveness resulting from centuries of monarchist and subsequently fascist leadership, which is burnt in people’s brains. There are nearly no noteworthy protests in Germany against the current shitty situation. That’s a fact. For sure, there are demonstrations which are sometimes joined by a quarter of a million people but the majority of these people, most of whom are members of parties and unions, are therefore directly responsible for what is going on here. Besides, these people are not willing to fight for real changes. Just complain and that’s all. Real changes would mean the loss of one’s own social rank and of all the privileges with which some people have made themselves damn comfortable. For example, economical privileges that exist because other parts of the world were continually ransacked. These conditions have been maintained for a long time with brutal force.

Why we don’t demand anything!

It makes no sense to go to a government with a list of demands. You cannot hope to find sympathetic ears in a political system which puts power into the hands of politicians who are not even elected by a quarter of the people. They will not listen to concerns dealing with people’s lives but will instead focus on issues with capitalistic relevance. That is why it makes absolutely no sense for us present a list of demands to a government.

We do not have to submit to the rule of those who want to control us!

We do not have to degrade ourselves by pleading and begging!

We have to make sure that the things we don’t like do not exist any more!

It is absolutely possible for us to live a self-determined life. But this will only work if the wish to be ruled and to rule is destroyed, if the state’s repressive apparatus is smashed, if the government is overturned, if the “cop-in-your-head” is killed and to break free from your self-imposed boundaries. Afterwards it will be possible to replace the logic of capitalistic values with collective self-organisation. A fight against the system has to be a part of our everyday life, as anti-hierarchical as possible and we have to show solidarity to one another.

Insurrection Days

For many people it is difficult to find access, to organise themselves and to act beyond their own borders. We want to give you an opportunity to get to know one another, to create networks, to fight together and to learn from each other. Together we want to try to take the initiative and to create a climate of insecurity and fear for the state and social authorities, at least for a couple of days. Its aim is to shock the normative structure of the state and social authorities, consequently to question the state’s monopoly on violence. On May Day the police know where and when it could kick-off and were well organised in recent years. However the nights and days before should be defined by us. Sometimes colourful but also in black. Sometimes peaceful and decisive but also with fiery rage.

Insurrection Days

26th of April – 1st of May 2012 // Berlin

Everytime // Everywhere

Strengthening the International Revolutionary Front and the Anarchist Federation – without the Informal?

“…it is important to amplify in practice the concept of direct solidarity, in other words, we consider that we need to extend the unmanageable struggle of the hand of solidarity with our imprisoned comrades, to all the levels of the anti-systemic confrontation. The support to comrades who are persecuted or fugitive is a necessity that requires immediate attention.”

From culmine, translated by war on society:

by Giuseppe Dondoglio Antonlini

A few weeks ago while “surfing” the Web I found a text written by the collective Noticias de la Rebelión as their way of responding to the strong critiques made by the anarchist space as a consequence of the infamous statements that they made about some some comrades, particularly against the compa Gustavo Rodríguez.* In reality, I prefer to “let pass” everything that appears in that text, the only question that concretely called my attention was the reference to the call that they made to “strengthening the IRF and the AF,” [the International Revolutionary Front and the Anarchist Federation – transl] but this last without including the essential (and clarifying) suffix “informal”; and all this in these days when some sectors of the so-called “libertarian movement” in Mexico continue convening for the reforming of the extinct Anarchist Federation of Mexico.

The Informal Anarchist Federation (FAI) is an antagonistic project that was born as a proposal for the coordination of the chaotic attack against the entirety of the established in a concrete way, coming from the Italian comrades, although in its first stage it extended to Spain. The FAI up to now has carried out not only decentralized sabotages, but also has internationally coordinated countless attacks directed against a common target in specific campaigns around timely issues–to cite one example, the campaign against FIES [the special maximum-security units of the prison system of the Spanish State designed to hold anarchists and other uncontrollables – transl].

Currently the cells that make up the FAI have extended beyond the Mediterranean region, not only to other areas in Europe but also to other parts of the world. In Russia, Mexico, Finland, Bolivia, Chile, Indonesia, UK; the cells and nuclei informally coordinated in the FAI have carried out actions responding to the international solidarity campaigns, as per the global action proposed in the three base points contained in the first communique of the Federation.

The proposal elaborated by the imprisoned comrades of war, members of the Conspiracy of Cells of Fire in Greece, arrived, contributing to a major focus in the direction in what our unmanageable solidarity aims at. The focus of this proposal is oriented from the informal anarchist praxis. It does not seek to establish (nor much less strengthen) any centralized and bureaucratic “Federation,” nor anything like that, much less does it pretend any control on the part of those who transmitted that proposal, which in a manner has been well-received by the comrades in affinity around the world.

The organic informal at the global level and the idea of coordination of clear chaotic conception, under which the International Revolutionary Front functions, is very far from the “line” of whatever classic Anarchist Federation, whether on the global or regional level, primarily because the IRF is an anarchist, free and totally autonomous coordination, without an office or bureaucratic center from which to transmit a “line” and dictate directives but rather limits itself to the coordination in the action that it directs against the structures of Power and against the individuals who are at the head of the State/Capital. As such, it never intends to form part of a “federated” organization that operates on a public level and centers its life in the quantitative growth of its “federated bodies.”

On this point, I think much still remains to be defined and even more to theorize on the part of anarchist practice. Likewise, it is important to amplify in practice the concept of direct solidarity, in other words, we consider that we need to extend the unmanageable struggle of the hand of solidarity with our imprisoned comrades, to all the levels of the anti-systemic confrontation. The support to comrades who are persecuted or fugitive is a necessity that requires immediate attention.

The Informal Anarchist Federation (FAI) is a coordination perfectly compatible with the International Revolutionary Front (IRF); these sibling groupings share principles and ends, through which they function harmonically and without the least interference. Nevertheless, affinity groups who do not share the acronyms or base principles of the FAI can freely claim themselves as part of the IRF since the “Front” is not a dependent arm of the FAI.

Nevertheless, the IRF, not being a specific or “formal” organization nor pretending to constitute itself as such, is incompatible with the ideas and the practice that nourish the “classic” Anarchist Federations, namely, those of bureaucratic tendency edified on the basis of the principles of “synthesis” and far from the Informal praxis. To strengthen the IRF does not necessarily mean to directly strengthen the project of the FAI, but to try to strengthen any Anarchist Federation alien to the informal practice, which is a fundamental part of the logic of the IRF (at the international level), is an opportunist aberration.

Therefore, it’s hard for me understand to what Anarchist Federation they reference in Noticias de la Rebelión that without being “Informal” intends to “strengthen” the IRF. The anarchist cells of action that claim the International Revolutionary Front do not revolve around any Anarchist Federation that is not based by principle on informal practice.

With these clarifications, I do not try to impose “lines,” much less do I intend to give as finished “something” that can change, not only because it isn’t static but also because it is in constant construction. With this I only want to introduce into discussion the sense of the informal anarchist coordination of which the IRF is part, that in reality has functioned very well, as well as the local FAI and the diverse cells that make it up by means of informal coordination.

Therefore, I consider that on the basis of these principles, when you claim the IRF and the Anarchist Federation, and speak of “strengthening them” it is logical to conclude that you speak of the “Informal” Anarchist Federation. Although the IRF does not contain the word “informal” in its acronyms of presentation, it remains clear to us in its texts that its organizing model is not hierarchical nor centralist, platformist or bureaucratic, but on the contrary is autonomous, free, congruent with the chaotic principles and an example in international solidarity and the global anarchist conspiracy against the system of domination. That is to say, definitively Informal.

Giuseppe Dondoglio Antonlini

_________________
* Gustavo Rodríguez is an anarchist who some leftists and anarcho-leftists including those with “Notices from the Rebellion” have recently slandered, saying that he is on the side of the US government, imperialism and the capitalist system simply because he is critical of the State of Cuba and in particular the regime’s persecution of anarchists living under the Cuban State (the former being a stupid and classic leftist position that makes no sense in reality). – translator note.

Imprisoned Fire Cells Conspiracy Members: Political Statement Regarding Second Halandri Case Trial

The following statement will be included in a soon-to-be-released Greek pamphlet entitled Inside Outside. The statement itself was written a short while ago and initially published on Indymedia Athens on December 31, 2011.

1. The “Innocence” of the Victim and the “Guilt” of the “Hunter”

The second trial directed by the state against the Fire Cells Conspiracy anarchist revolutionary organization is scheduled to begin on December 14. The trial will cover three separate Fire Cells Conspiracy attacks carried out with explosive devices (on the home of Interior Vice-Minister Hinofotis, the Ministry of Macedonia-Thrace, and the apartment of politician Louka Katseli), as well as the possession of another explosive device.

The first trial covering the same incidents ended in the summer of 2010. Two Fire Cells Conspiracy members—H. Hatzimichelakis and P. Argyrou—were sentenced to 37 years each, while lengthy prison sentences were also inflicted on other defendants who had nothing to do with our organization. Now, four Fire Cells Conspiracy members will be tried (D. Bolano, G. Nikolopoulos, M. Nikolopoulos, and C. Tsakalos) who were at large during the first trial.

This trial is the next episode in a series of trials to be directed against us—trials that form a Gordian knot tied around us by the prosecutor’s office.

Our opinion of justice is already well-known. We have it written beneath the soles of our oldest shoes. We proudly declare our “guilt” before their system.

We are enemies of laws, power, police, courts, prisons, borders, exploitation, and—in general—this civilization of submission and compromise. For us, the innocent don’t exist. Only choices exist.

Insurgent or conformist, guerrilla or subordinate, human being or slave. In this life, we have chosen to be wolves, not prey. We therefore relinquish the “innocence” of prey and hold fast to the “guilt” of the hunter.

With this idea, we want to invert the rules of the trials they have created. Whether through our scornful absence from some or our completely hostile presence at others, our objective is to cause a number of small and large short-circuits within the judicial machine. In devising our strategy, we have designated the trial for the 14 incendiary packages our organization sent to international embassies and police and judicial organizations as the centerpiece, as it is to that trial that all nine Fire Cells Conspiracy comrades who have admitted their membership have been summoned.

Nevertheless, we feel that the trial beginning on December 14 also has its own unique importance and stature.

2. A New Anarchy Within Anarchy

The “Halandri Case,” as it’s been dubbed by the mass media, represents a decisive point in the trajectory of the new urban guerrilla war.

To illustrate its importance, it’s worth referring back to the state and conditions in which the anarchist current and urban guerrilla warfare found themselves at the time.

About two years had passed since the appearance of the Fire Cells Conspiracy and—more generally—the new anarchist urban guerrilla warfare. Quite a few groups in Athens and Thessaloniki were taking uncontrollable action, setting the night on fire and destroying the structures of power. The fabric of diffuse incendiary guerrilla war was also expanding to provincial cities like Kavala, Chania, Heraklion, etc. Of course, anarchist groups engaged in propaganda by the deed were collaborating with one another in some cases, coordinating arson rampages on a national level. In many of the texts/communiqués accompanying those attacks, a new perception was being documented, settling the crosshairs of its critique on social inertia, people’s passivity, and the complicit silence that allowed power to define our lives.

In parallel, and for the first time in Greece, words and concepts like anarcho-individualism, nihilism, and antisocial anarchy were escaping the immobility of theoretical texts and seeking their place within the communiqués of practice.

The fact is that a new anarchy was being born within anarchy, and it was reflected in posters, pamphlets, stickers, street slogans, and friends.

Meanwhile, the Fire Cells Conspiracy shifted from arsons to the strategy of placing explosive devices in churches, politicians’ homes, and ministries.

At the same time, the method of political executions once again appeared on the stage of revolutionary practice, as undertaken by the Sect of Revolutionaries in their actions, beginning with the execution of a pig from the Antiterrorist Unit.

All of this was naturally taking place upon the foundation laid by the revolt of December 2008. The marks from that revolt, even if they were scarring over after the sparkling repairs made to damaged shopping mall display windows, were still deeply inscribed on the consciences and hearts of dozens of young comrades who chose the riots as their home address. It was at that precise moment when the possibility of gradually creating and organizing more and more autonomous anarchist action groups became a primary commitment for many comrades in the new urban guerrilla war.

3. Antiterrorist Operation “Halandri”

The state and its police chose that period to strike. It was at the end of September 2009 when the Antiterrorist Unit operation involving the raid on our comrade’s home in Halandri was carried out—an operation that had already been “advertised” since the summer of that year in a number of lengthy television reports and newspaper articles, which subsequently began to talk about “striking at the heart of neoterrorism.”

What followed was a police gala—a fashion show of balaclava-wearing EKAM and Antiterrorist Unit agents parading in front of the television cameras, leading handcuffed comrades to the courthouses alongside other people who had nothing to do with us, yet who had unluckily kept up social relations with some of the arrestees.

Concurrently, the persecuting authorities issued arrest warrants for a few more people (five of whom are Fire Cells Conspiracy members) while police chiefs and political leaders congratulated one another on their “success.”

The arrests and warrants further reinforced the security dogma that was then playing an investment role during the pre-electoral campaigning of the period, with elections just around the corner.

Likewise, the police considered the issuing of arrest warrants—for people who thus automatically found themselves on the most-wanted list, connected to the ploy arrests of others who had simply visited the Halandri apartment—to be a guarantee that would curb the activity of the remaining Fire Cells Conspiracy cells as well as the new urban guerrilla war in general.

The police and the state hoped that the propaganda of fear and the creation of an intense climate of distrust and suspicion would be successful and bear the desired fruit. Their aspiration was for their walkie-talkies to fall silent, putting an end not just to the Fire Cells Conspiracy, but to the entire phenomenon of diffuse anarchist guerrilla warfare.

4. Rekindling the Fire from the Ashes

But laws were made to be broken, and plans were made to be foiled.

Ten days after the Halandri antiterrorist operation, the Fire Cells Conspiracy showed that those who were rushing to celebrate their funeral were quite mistaken.

Fire Cells Conspiracy comrades stealthily infiltrated a pre-election rally of tens of thousands of sheep voters awaiting a speech by prime minister C. Karamanlis and placed an explosive device 50 meters from the main rostrum. The device exploded, causing as much material damage as as moral injury to the propaganda then being tossed around about the dismantling of “neoterrorism.” The prime minister’s speech was somewhat delayed, and the Fire Cells Conspiracy had issued a provocation from within the new fabric taking shape.

The Fire Cells Conspiracy was the first organization in Greece to not suspend its actions for even a single moment after taking a repressive blow and while most of its members were either underground or in custody. Instead, it stuck to its foundations and even advanced its practice by beginning to use high-powered explosive devices.

The rest of the story is already known. Subsequent Fire Cells Conspiracy attacks were met with still more arrests—retaliation taken against people who had nothing to do with the organization (Antigone H., Nikos B., Nikos M., etc.).

The Antiterrorist Unit’s vindictiveness was so brazen, especially at the beginning, that in its bewilderment it made a number of blatant legal mistakes, even for itself. It’s no coincidence that some of the people arrested on suspicion of belonging to the Fire Cells Conspiracy were never even summoned to court, since it was objectively understood that they were unconnected to the organization. Also typical were the arrests of a number of AEK fans in the Kallithea neighborhood of Athens—including the mother of one of them—and their initial presentation as another Antiterrorist Unit success, with the arrestees being labeled Fire Cells Conspiracy members. The ridiculousness of those arrests was confirmed very quickly, and the people were released.

5. Memory Brings Perspective

Nevertheless, to call things by their name, without timidity but also without defeatism, the truth is that most groups and comrades within the new urban guerrilla war haven’t shown themselves to be capable of working the situation out and devising an offensive strategy.

Naturally, with the exception of a certain minority of TRUE COMRADES, just the opposite has occurred: lots of people have withdrawn and allowed the fear of repression to define them. As a result, many groups have disappeared from the arena of the endless insurrectionary night they had proclaimed in their communiqués.

In any case, what remains is certainly an important wealth of experience: practical experience, known mistakes, self-critique, memory, and therefore also perspective.

What began four years ago in Greece is now expanding on an international level. An international conspiratorial network that supports and promotes the principles and values of the INFORMAL ANARCHIST FEDERATION/INTERNATIONAL REVOLUTIONARY FRONT is spreading throughout the world’s metropolises. New Fire Cells Conspiracy cells are being assembled by anarchists of action and fire in Greece, Mexico, the Netherlands, and Russia.

After our arrests, the State wanted to put an end to the unpredictable project that began with the emergence of the new urban guerrilla warfare.

Now, the trials and sentences directed against us aspire to neatly write the official epilogue of a story that is nevertheless unwilling to end.

One thing is certain. Everything to say still hasn’t been said, and there are undoubtedly many actions still to come.

All of us, the comrades who took part in the wanderings that realized anarchy through the Fire Cells Conspiracy, have proudly stated that it is our honor to participate in the Conspiracy project. We have therefore taken political responsibility, disregarding all the consequences and years of prison that such a decision will “cost” us. Because more important things exist than a mutilated freedom that presupposes selling oneself out and regretting the choices that define our lives. In no interrogator’s office or courthouse will they get even the tiniest word of remorse out of us. What they will get will be our extreme hostility toward the system and its dignitaries.

We obviously aren’t inspired by the logic of holy martyrdom that requires “heroes” to sacrifice themselves for the revolution. Instead, we know that a free anarchist urban guerrilla is much more useful to the spread of anarchist revolution than one who is imprisoned.

Simply put, from the moment we found ourselves captives in the hands of the state, by revealing our membership and through our attitude in prison as well as in court, our objective has been to once again launch the commitment to anarchist urban guerrilla warfare into battle—a battle that never ended.

Let’s go again, from the beginning. The “Halandri Case” trial is our own return to the start, to our point of departure.

We need that point of departure in order to recommence more potently, more decisively, and more collectively.

While awaiting the days when we will confront our persecutors, we are making plans, engaging in our self-critique, discussing, thinking, and preparing new defiances in our uninterrupted war on power.

Miserable judges who hide behind your well-pressed robes,
we clearly see who you are.
Petty, inadequate, wretched little men
who vomit years of prison from your mouths.
But while you recite the charges,
our minds wander free and untamed.
They journey to secret meetings, to plans of attack,
to weapons caches, to pages from books, to laughter,
to disappointments, to pleasures and sorrows.
They travel to every corner of the Earth where
the rejection of Power blooms and anarchists of action live.
They wander, remember, and await a glance, a thought, a noise, a moment.
The moment when everything collapses because
of successive explosions and the rules are reversed.
At that moment the judges will be judged
and the guards will have to protect themselves.
Such moments, you must know, are always in the palms of our
Hands.

LONG LIVE THE FIRE CELLS CONSPIRACY. LONG LIVE THE INFORMAL ANARCHIST FEDERATION/INTERNATIONAL REVOLUTIONARY FRONT.

—Imprisoned Fire Cells Conspiracy members: Olga Economidou, Michalis Nikolopoulos, Giorgos Nikolopoulos, Christos Tsakalos, Gerasimos Tsakalos, Panayiotis Argyrou, Damiano Bolano, Giorgos Polydoras, Haris Hatzimichelakis

Fire Cells Conspiracy communiqué regarding Supreme Court summons

The following text is in response to a summons received by the imprisoned members of the Fire Cells Conspiracy, who all refused to show up in court as directed. The summons was related to the ongoing investigation into the so-called “complete works” of the Fire Cells Conspiracy, which seems to be gaining steam.

I am an atheist because I don’t believe in any god; I am an anarchist because I don’t believe in any government; I am a criminal because I don’t believe in any law; and (I add) I am me because I am not you or anyone else, and I cannot escape from my “self.” . . .

Walk slow or fast;
but walk.
Think quiet or loud;
but think.
Life is short
and whoever doesn’t self-determine,
neither sows,
nor reaps,
nor enjoys,
nor savors existence.
Walk!
Think!

—Extracted from our brother Gabriel Pombo da Silva’s book Diary and Ideology of a Criminal, which the Fire Cells Conspiracy is currently translating for future release by the Black International publishing initiative

Today, January 4, we are being summoned to personally appear at the Supreme Court for something related to the charges being leveled at us.

To begin with, all of us who take part in the Fire Cells Conspiracy Revolutionary Organization declare that we do not simply consider ourselves prisoners, but prisoners of war—a war we have declared on Power and the State, a war whose objective is to destroy them.

The dozens of charges being flung at us, which have to do with our attacks on the system’s structures, constitute clear proof that we were true to that war. Imprisonment as well as trials are Power’s retaliation for our choices.

We therefore view prosecutors, judges, and magistrates as playing the role of the enemy’s courts martial, and as such our relationship to them can’t be anything other than that of a state of war. In this war, and as long as we remain prisoners, we ourselves will take full advantage of picking which battles to fight and which—by refusing to even show up—to ignore.

Thus, it’s best that they don’t wait in vain for us to make that contrived January 4 appointment, since the only thing we will be giving them is the present communiqué and our hatred.

That’s also why we once wrote that we prefer to “catch” our enemies by surprise at the least-expected moment in order to directly express our intentions regarding their justice, just like we did in the past by blowing up the Thessaloniki Courthouse and the Athens Military Court and by torching the homes of judges.

In addition, it’s best that they don’t think the story of the Fire Cells Conspiracy is over and has now been solely reduced to the act of writing communiqués.

We continue on unapologetically, and if our recent escape attempt had been successful, our persecutors could be certain that the “terms” of our dialogue would be armed and that we would be quite prepared to meet them at an appointment of our own making.

We still don’t know the meaning of the word “truce,” and we’re never going to learn it.

We support the international collaboration of action-minded anarchists known as the Informal Anarchist Federation/International Revolutionary Front.

The continuous attacks carried out by our comrades on a global scale and the appearance of new Fire Cells Conspiracies in Mexico and Russia are the best response, as well as verification that:

NOTHING IS OVER.

EVERYTHING CONTINUES.

—Imprisoned members of the Fire Cells Conspiracy/Informal Anarchist Federation, FOREVER IN BATTLE

Argentina: Cell of Conspirators for the Spread of Chaos claim bombing in Buenos Aires

From culmine, translated by war on society:

communique:

Ten years after the rebellion of December 20, 2001, we see how in the streets the left wing of capital and the progressive sectors continue to the use the blood of the comrades who fell in confrontation in order to promote politics, perpetuating power and achieving a comfortable seat in congress in some temple of development of the state/capital, and to thus to keep reproducing and making routine the beatings and the misery.

On December 20, 2011 at 1 am we attacked with a bomb the secluded residential triangle yards away from the Department of Security and the place where various embassies are located.

The reasons why we carried out this action abound, but will we mention three:

1. For the 10th anniversary of the insurrection of December 19 and 20 of 2001.

2. For the incarcerated comrades in the prisons of the states of Chile, Greece, Spain, Germany, Italy, Mexico (to name only a few) and we will never forget the comrades in the prisons of the Rio de Plata basin region [of Argentina/Uruguay].

3. For the advancements in repressive matters and the investment of time and money in the process of perfecting the techniques of social control that the Department of Security, as primary organ of the state, drives. The significant increase of security cameras distributed far and wide across the city of Buenos Aires and the suburbs, the system of biometric identification and the new anti-terrorist law intend to contain any step outside of the narrow path of the rule of law, order, and social peace.

Therefore we say: we are going to make life impossible for them and there will be no safe place for them to hide because we will continue destroying their cars and every one of the doors where they take refuge.

From now on, they will know that any bag of trash abandoned on their property could be a potential bomb.

Cell of Conspirators for the Spread of Chaos.

Italy: Bank attacked in solidarity with Conspiracy of Cells of Fire prisoners

From informa-azione, translated by war on society:

12/15/2011 Frascati – Rome

“Anarchist attack” on Unicredit Agency

Action in solidarity with the Greek brothers and accused comrades, processed and imprisoned by state repression. Destroyed with a sledgehammer 6 windows and the ATM of Unicredit in Frascati.

Graffiti read:

SOLIDARITY TO THE GREEK ANARCHISTS
OF THE CONSPIRACY OF CELLS OF FIRE
WAR ON THE STATE AND CAPITAL (A)

For permanent guerrilla war!

For anti-civilization anarchy!

Chile: Communique for the incendiary attack on Banco Estado by Incendiary Antagonist Columns

Note by War On Society: We present this important communique from June 2011 mainly for the exemplary analysis on a number of themes, also because the CCF responded to it in their text ‘Fire and Gunpowder‘ and because it is cited in another communique which we are presently translating.

from liberaciontotal, translated by war on society:

Communique:

I.

The qualification of attacks is necessary considering that statist logic heightens and perfects itself with the same rapidity as the technology that enables, practically, the present societies’ whole apparatus of domination and control.

Society, as the primary origin of a good part of the worst present human situations, does not only worry about positioning itself as a condition for sustaining the existence of humanity, but rather it has also charged itself with violating the consciences of individuals as much as collectivities with the idea that it (society) is necessary for the development of the full human condition–that is, for individual and collective freedom. The overvaluation of “the social” has made it so that all references to “the wild*” are by definition absurd, not only in the sense of being somewhat distant from the present reality, but also as being opposed to society itself. This is why anarchism from the insurrectionalist perspective places itself in the anti-social position.

Without a true critique of the ENTIRE existent, we cannot decide to fully exist.

The negation of the existent (i.e. society) has as its result the affirmation of our individuality, integrity and free associations, prepared for everything that one’s own conscience tells one to do and pleased to act as one’s passions impel one, without judges beyond oneself. In this sense, our consciences are what take shape in the field of practice by means of actions that negate the established, the given, the preformed, the existent… that is: society, the State, the family, salaried work, among much more. The free life is what we seek in the extremes of that same negation, as absolute counter-parties of the crushing machine of the all.

Progress, as that which gives complete unity to the whole flow of history since modernity, is the greatest myth that governs conscious individuals and collectivities. From Marxists who believe in absolute and complete truths, to anarchists who admit that the most expeditious means to achieve the revolution is the internalization of the ideas of freedom in the collective conscience–that is, the same thing that capitalism does with the idea of “competency,” but with another meaning–all accept, perhaps without realizing it, the idea of progress. Thus, one must not only to spurn the idea of progress in its most rudimentary sense–that is, the idea of material progress as in technological development–one must also spurn the idea of progress as the development of certain ideas in human conscience. Consequently, the critique also goes for the other side–that is, the notion of capitalism.

It is important to realize that capitalism and everything that it involves does not advance nor progress, since it is already completely positioned, installed and mediates all social relations which accept, implicitly or explicitly, the logic of the market, of winning or losing, of truth or falsity, of benefit or harm. In this sense, capitalism does not progress (nor does it transform into something “better”), but rather it heightens, since it is already a compulsory part of reality.

This (i.e. reality) is what, through its complexification, becomes more dispersed, polyform, and thus more difficult to detect, analyze, combat and strive against. The qualification of the attack is a necessary response to the heightening of the logic of capitalism in the field of social relations. To blow everything up is not to blow up everything that can actually be blown up, it is to blow up the complex social structures that are determined by commerce and its flow, and which in turn legitimate the same social structure. It is a vicious cycle in which one thing sustains the other. One does not understand capitalism without the people who endorse it, and one does not understand the people who legitimate it without the capitalism that determines their forms. Thus, to physically attack the institutions of capital is not to attack symbols, it is to attack the same structure of reality that determines the field of social relations, in short, it is to undermine the legitimation of capitalism.

It is wager that is not random, to let’s say attack a bank — to attack a bank is to attack the reality that it determines, and to blow up the vicious cycle in which the present social relations are based.

This scenario clearly does not leave space, at least not relevant space, for the logic of “protest” in the historical/Marxist sense of the term and practice, which claims a posture, faced with a situation, in which what is sought is the propagation of an ideological position that is pre-formed, pre-configured, and–most importantly–pre-Reasoned by the never-wrong intellectual vanguard of the organized people. In which there simply is not room for the individual conscience, nor much less for collective dissent, since this kind of a posture brings out the “true truths” of a person much more intelligent than the common individual of the poor exploited people, such victims and so stupid that they do not realize what passes before their noses. They say that someone who loves you beats you, but to treat the people as naive, unconscious and even “asleep” is to say that love is like sending someone to the psychiatrist. A condition that can be expected of people who illusorily dream of “popular uprisings” and similar messianic yammering.